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35 pages 1 hour read

Patterns of Culture

Nonfiction | Book | Adult | Published in 1934

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Chapters 1-3

Chapter 1 Summary: “The Science of Custom”

In the opening chapter of Patterns of Culture, Benedict provides a basic definition of anthropology as “the study of human beings as creatures of society” (1). She differentiates anthropology from other social sciences by explaining that anthropologists study the traditions and customs of non-Western societies. Benedict refers to non-Western societies using the accepted terms of her time—“primitive,” “barbarian,” and “pagan”—yet she is careful not to describe one type of society as superior to another. Benedict explains it is useful to study “primitive” societies because their traditions and customs often are different from those of “Western civilization,” which scholars typically regard as the standard unit of measurement (3, 5, 6). Instead, Benedict thinks it is important for anthropologists to focus on “the role of custom” and “its laws and varieties” across a wide range of cultures (3).

In the rest of the chapter, Benedict explains that custom—or cultural heritage—is learned behavior, accumulated through everyday experiences, and shared with others. It also is highly adaptable, a characteristic she describes in terms of “plasticity.” For Benedict, “primitive” societies offer an ideal vantage point to study custom and culture. She writes that the relative isolation of “primitive” societies has preserved their customs, making them an ideal “laboratory” to “study the diversity of human institutions” (17). Benedict describes “primitive” societies as “simple” and “homogenous” in cultural form, especially when compared to “complex,” “heterogenous” Western civilizations. Benedict ends the chapter by cautioning readers not to romanticize “primitive peoples” but rather to appreciate their culture as case material to understand both the particularities and the generalities of humankind.

Chapter 2 Summary: “The Diversity of Cultures”

Benedict begins Chapter 2 with a narrative of a Native American chief named Ramon. He describes aspects of his culture, such as their domestic rituals. He explains that in the past, every person was given a life-sustaining cup to use for water and acorn soup, but now their “cup is broken” (22). Benedict interprets Ramon’s statement as an example of cultural loss due to the forces of Western civilization and domination: “He had in mind the loss of something that had value equal to that of life itself, the whole fabric of his people’s standards and beliefs” (22).

The story of the cup leads Benedict to consider how cultural traits are selected and modified or, in Ramon’s case, suppressed and rejected. Her interest in linguistics facilitates comparisons between culture and language. Benedict explains that the number of sounds a person can make is unlimited; however, phonetic systems are shaped by culturally determined understandings of what constitutes sound. Within any given society, certain sounds are selected that are deemed “intelligible,” while others are rejected. Cultural traits are like the units of language—some are deemed logical and acceptable, while others are not.

From here, Benedict speaks of “the great arc” of human potential. Societies select cultural traits from this arc and elaborate on them, creating distinct institutions like kinship, marriage, and religion. Because the potential of human invention and selection of traits is limitless, “the possible combinations of culture” are, according to Benedict, “endless” (44), thus accounting for the immense diversity of cultures around the world.

Chapter 3 Summary: “The Integration of Culture”

Benedict reiterating that cultures are highly diverse. She then adds that cultures are integrated: “A culture, like an individual, is a more or less consistent pattern of thought and action” (46). It therefore is necessary to study cultures as a whole and “not merely the sum of all its parts” (47). Benedict uses the example of “styles in art” to explain that as cultural traits are selected, they gain a certain clarity or kind of “style” that later is recognized as a type of cultural form, such as Gothic art (47). The integration of cultural traits creates a consistent pattern from which multiple configurations of culture are possible. Thus, while it is important to study cultural traits, these traits must be situated within the “articulated whole” or within a wider context of “motives and emotions and values that are institutionalized in that culture” (49).

Benedict elaborates on her discussion of the “whole configuration” by referring to the gestalt of cultures, a term she adopts from the field of psychology. In psychological studies of sense-perception, “no analysis of the separate percepts can account for the total experience” (51). As Benedict explains, “It is not enough to divide perceptions up into objective fragments. The subjective framework, the forms provided by past experience, are crucial and cannot be omitted” (51). Taking this idea a step further, Benedict writes, “the whole determines its parts, not only their relation but their very nature” (52). She then applies the concept of gestalt to cultures and refers to “cultural configurations,” or “coherent organizations of behavior” (56), which “pattern existence and condition the thoughts and emotions of the individuals who participate in those cultures” (55). Benedict concludes Chapter 3 by stating that it is instructive to study cultural configurations in “primitive” societies, for they are “less complicated.” She then briefly introduces three case studies that she plans to elaborate on in Chapters 4, 5, and 6.

Chapters 1-3 Analysis

At the time of the publication of Patterns of Culture, in 1934, cultural anthropology was a relatively new discipline in the social sciences. Benedict devotes a substantial portion of the introductory chapters of her book to defining key terms and concepts and explaining the significance of anthropology as a field of study. Following in the tradition of Boasian anthropology, she emphasizes the need to study human societies from a comparative and holistic perspective, an analytical approach that shapes her narrative style as well. For instance, much of Benedict’s writing draws on ethnographic case examples from around the world in which she details the routines and practices of daily life. These details, in turn, build up to a larger picture of cultural forms and processes that can be compared and ultimately contextualized within a larger pattern of human behavior—an endeavor that Benedict later extends to discuss the dominant “personality types” or worldviews of entire groups of people—the Zuñi of New Mexico, the Dobuans of Papua New Guinea, and the Kwakiutl of Vancouver Island.

Of particular significance for the field of cultural anthropology, Benedict directs much of her attention to studying non-Western societies, an approach that distinguishes anthropology from other social sciences. In doing so, Benedict decenters “Western civilization” as the standard measurement of all societies (3, 5, 6). Benedict’s sustained focus on non-Western societies follows a key tenet in anthropology that continues to define the field today—that of cultural relativism (viii). The basic premise of cultural relativism is not to judge other societies by one’s own standards but rather to view and understand them within the context of their own culture.  

Repeatedly, Benedict makes the case to appreciate and value the customs and traditions of non-Western societies, their belief systems, and their practices. Benedict’s approach to studying cultures on their own terms was forward thinking at the time of her writing in the mid-20th century, when scientific racism and ethnocentrism—the belief that one’s own culture is superior to others—was prevalent. Benedict takes her argument a step further and addresses racism within Western societies, noting the social basis of divisions that create and reify “in” and “out” groups, which propagate practices of intolerance and prejudice (11, 44). Thus, while a lot of Benedict’s writing focuses on cultural integration and cohesion, she also is aware of “othering” processes that lead to social strife, alienation, and disenfranchisement.

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